5: History of Black-Jewish Relations Early Encounters with Black Antisemitism

Support Black Lives Matter but do not ignore the long history of Black antisemitism

By Bonnie K. Goodman, BA, MLIS

Although American Jewry acts surprised each time a prominent and leading member of the African American community utters antisemitic rhetoric, tropes, or stereotypes, they forget the strained relationship between Jews and African-Americans and the increase of Black antisemitism in the past 50 years. Historian Leonard Dinnerstein notes in his book Antisemitism in America, “Historically, black venom and distrust of Jews dates to the days of slavery… Hostility toward Jews, emanating from Christian teachings in the early nineteenth century, carried over into the twentieth.”[1] Dinnerstein dedicated an entire chapter of his monumental book to African American attitudes towards Jews from the 1830s to the 1990s when his book was first published.

Before the Civil War, Jews and African-Americans rarely met up, except in the South where some Jews owned slaves. In the colonial era, a few Jewish merchants in the North and South engaged in the slave trade, however, they were a minority in the business. Saul S. Friedman argues in his book Jews in the American Slave Trade how antisemitism has fueled the enlarged numbers of Jewish involvement in the slave trade, Friedman responds to the Nation of Islam book, The Secret Relationship between Blacks and Jews. Friedman looks at Bertram Korn’s study “Jews And Negro Slavery In The Old South — 1789–1865,” noting that Jewish slave traders “numbers were… amazingly small.” Friedman details the numbers; Jewish traders represented “3 of 70 slave brokers in Richmond, 4 of 44 in Charleston, 1 in 12 in Memphis.” [2] Jews were minor traders in the business, according to Korn, “None of the major slave-traders was Jewish, nor did Jews constitute a large proportion of traders in any particular community.” To quantify the minimal significance of Jewish traders, Korn points out, “Probably all of the Jewish slave trades in all of the Southern cities and towns combined did not buy and sell as many slaves as the firm of Franklin and Armfield, the largest Negro traders in the South.”

In the antebellum period, since the majority of Southern Jews were urban dwellers, they had but a few house slaves. Most historians agree Jewish slave owners amounted to less than one percent of all Southern slave-owners. Only a few Southern Jews had large plantations among them Judah Benjamin, who was an exception with over a hundred slaves working on his Louisiana, Belle Chasse plantation, which he owned only briefly. Benjamin owned his plantation for only a few years until he became a Senator from Louisiana in the 1850s. In the short period he owned it, he earned a reputation as an expert in growing sugar crops. He also owned 140 slaves more than any other Southern Jew, while only 80 of them worked in the fields, the rest worked as servants.

On the other side, few Jews became involved in the abolitionist movement, because of the anti-Jewish rhetoric and missionizing practices of the movement’s leaders. American Jews disliked the anti-Jewish sentiments of the Evangelical Christian abolitionists, including the movement’s leaders William Lloyd Garrison and Edmund Quincy, who frequently used anti-Jewish imagery, Evangelicals, in general, participated in missionary work and they sought to convert the Jews. [3] Rabbis Sabato Morais and David Einhorn, and August Bondi were a minority among American Jewry.

August Bondi was the most radical Jewish abolitionist. Historian Jayme A. Sokolow called Bondi, “the most dramatic and adventurous abolitionist.” [4] Bondi was born at Vienna, Austria, and his family immigrated to America after the March 1848 Vienna revolution, where they settled in St. Louis, Missouri. Bondi was a free-soiler, who fought along with abolitionist John Brown during the Border War in Kansas, Bleeding Kansas, and against pro-slavery forces in the Black Jack and Osawatomie in 1856 with fellow Jewish immigrants, Theodore Weiner and Jacob Benjamin. [5]

Bondi recounted, “We walked with bent backs, nearly crawled, that the tall dead grass of the year before might somewhat hide us from the Border Ruffian marksmen, yet the bullets kept whistling… Wiener puffed like a steamboat, hurrying behind me. I called out to him, “Nu, was meinen Sie jetzt” Now, what do you think of this?). His answer, “Sof odom muves” (a Hebrew phrase meaning “the end of man is death,” or in modem phraseology, “I guess we’re up against it”).” Bondi stayed away from Brown and his Harper’s Ferry Raid in 1859, but as soon as the Civil War commenced Bondi was one of the first to enlist in the Union army in Kansas, where he “served as a first sergeant in the Kansas Cavalry” before he was wounded in 1864 and had to retire. [6]

Rabbi Morais served in one of the oldest congregations from “colonial times,” Mikveh Israel Congregation. Morais was an Italian Jew. In 1851, he immigrated to America. Neil Gillman notes in his book Conservative Judaism: The New Century, Morais, “more than any other person championed the Conservative reaction to American Reform.” [7] Morais believed in “enlightened Orthodoxy” and advocated moderation among the Reformers, Morais believed in instituting a few changes to religious observance and the synagogue service but they had to be introduced gradually and not offend the traditionalists in the midst. Morais’ views on slavery countered his Orthodox congregants. Moses Aaron Dropsie defended the rabbi to the congregation, and Morais kept his post. [8]

Rabbi David Einhorn of Baltimore was a radical reformer, and as historian Arthur Hertzberg notes, Einhorn was “the most radical ‘reformer’ of all American rabbis.” Einhorn had a congregation that supported slavery was not as lucky as Morais. Einhorn’s “Reformed” congregation Har Sinai Congregation sat in the border state of Maryland, where the population sympathized more with the South than the North. Einhorn rebutted, calling support for slavery and slaveholding a “rebellion against God to enslave human beings created in His image.” [9] Maryland almost seceded from the Union at the start of the Civil War.

Einhorn’s fierce opposition to slavery angered his congregation and Baltimore’s Jews and the Christian population. Slavery and slave trading was a part of Maryland’s economy. Einhorn’s position forced him to leave Baltimore or face a mob. He relocated to New York and Philadelphia, where his abolitionist views were accepted. [10] Slavery united and divided Jews of different denominational views. As Hertzberg notes, “Morais was Orthodox, Einhorn, “the most radical ‘reformer’ of all American rabbis. They agreed on very little, except both found slavery morally repugnant; both were certain that Jews could not avoid the greatest moral issue before America.” [11]

After the Civil War, as Jews emigrated from Eastern Europe and African Americans migrated up North from the South, the two groups often ended up in the same neighborhoods because of racism from whites including Harlem and the Bronx. They lived together but also clashed over economic issues. African Americans developed some of their antisemitic viewpoints through their interactions with the community’s Jews. The two groups also forged their alliance because both groups faced discrimination and were economically disadvantaged but when Jews improved their financial circumstances, tensions developed.

Similar disadvantages brought both groups together; however, it was wealthier Jews and African Americans that worked together towards civil rights, with involvement in the founding and operations of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909 and the National Urban League. The NAACP’s first two presidents were Jewish, Joel, and Arthur Spingarn. Future Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis offered legal help to the NAACP, while in return African American Judge Hubert Delaney helped with Jewish issues.

Among the poorer of the groups, however, antisemitism and racism thrived, especially after white southerners lynched New York Jew Leo Frank. In 1913, Leo Frank, a Northern Jew, and superintendent at the Selig Family’s pencil factory in Atlanta, Georgia, was accused of the brutal murder of a thirteen-year-old white girl, Mary Phagan working in the factory after it was believed that he was the last person seen with her alive. There was no other clear evidence except accusations that Frank displayed impropriety towards the young female workers in the factory.

A jury found Frank guilty and sentenced him to death for murdering Mary Phagan based solely on the testimony of the pencil company’s African American janitor, Jim Conley. When Frank received a reprieve, an angry mob lynched him, an action usually reserved in the South for African Americans. The Frank case, however, was a reversal of racial norms with Southern whites believing an African American over Frank, who was considered white, with Conley even calling Frank white but Frank was a northern Jew, and antisemitism was in play.

Historian Jeffrey Paul Melnick in his book, Black-Jewish Relations on Trial, Leo Frank and Jim Conley in the New South, questions how Frank was charged with the murder. Melnick writes,” “Commentators have been puzzled for decades now that Frank was even charged with this crime when Jim Conley was right there in the National Pencil Company factory looking suspicious (a bloody shirt, no alibi, and so on).”[12] Leonard Dinnerstein, the preeminent historian on Leo Frank ‘s case does not believe Frank was guilty, writing, “Any open a minded person, given the evidence, would immediately say Frank couldn’t have done it” [13]

Melnick finds the case Leo Frank an abnormality in Black-Jewish relations, arguing:

“A new look at the case will call into question those narratives of a shared Black-Jewish history that are organized around the idea of a logically unfolding relationship: in my analysis of the Frank case ‘multiplicity’ (of motivation, causation, and outcome) is introduced as a key term for explaining what goes on inside of the common spaces shared by Jews and African Americans. Frank and Conley were imagined by many to be in poisonously close contact with one another apparently involved together in activities that marginalized both. Rather than the utopian possibilities so often presented by ‘Black-Jewish relations,’ the Frank case promoted the provocative notion that the connection of Frank and Conley functioned mostly to advance illicit (or at least unhealthy) social behaviors. With my analysis of the Leo Frank case I hope to demonstrate that this major event cannot be made to fit into any of the familiar renderings of ‘Black-Jewish relations’; in so doing I also want to forswear the (no doubt comforting) practice of narrating Black-Jewish relations as a simple and coherent set of events.”[14]

The blatant antisemitic incident led American Jewry to create the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to advocate for them and not collaborate with African Americans. In the urban dynamic, as Jews left neighborhoods, African Americans moved in, while Jews owned the stores and rental buildings in the districts. Antisemitism, developed as African American felt taken advantage of by the Jewish store owners and landlords. [15]

Among the early stereotypes African Americans believed was that of the Jew as Christ killer and “Jews were seen as zealous and unprincipled in their quest for wealth and as people who used their cunning to amass large fortunes” where there were “Stories exaggerating Jewish wealth… in black newspapers.”[16] These stories claimed Jews were “the financial rulers of the world.” Writer Richard Wright recalled when he grew in the early part of the twentieth century in Mississippi religious antisemitism dominated. Wright explained, “All of us black who lived in the neighborhood hated Jews, not because they exploited us, but because we had been taught at home and in Sunday school that Jews were ‘Christ-killers.’ With the Jews thus singled out for us, we made them fair game for ridicule.” [17]

Wright remembers that the elders of the community approved the children ridiculing Jews in public. Wright recounted they shouted, “folk ditties, some mean, others filthy, all of them cruel. No one ever thought of questioning our right to do this; our mothers and parents generally approved, either actively or passively. To hold an attitude of antagonism or distrust toward Jews was bred in us from childhood; it was not merely racial prejudice, it was part of our cultural heritage.”[18]

Among the antisemitic acts were songs the children sang included the following words:

Bloody Christ killers,

Never trust a Jew

Bloody Christ killers

What won’t a Jew do?

[and]

Jew, Jews,

Two for five

That’s what keeps

Jew alive. [19]

This religious antisemitism remained a part of African American lives through the civil rights movement. Professor Gloria Waite grew up in Cleveland in the 1960s, did not learn antisemitism in her home but from other children who were adopting the antisemitic attitudes of whites who thought Jews controlled the world. Waite remembers an antisemitic poem that echoed that theme.

Abraham Lincoln

Was the king of the Jews

He wore a high-top hat

And brogan shoes

He walked through the street

With his hat in his hand

Saying, hey, pretty baby

I’m king of this land [20]

African Americans shared a similar religious antisemitism as whites, and the poems represented the wider antisemitism from Christians. Historian Robert Michael in his book A Concise History of American Antisemitism quotes L.D. Reddick a professor of Afro-American history at Atlanta University, who claims the “antisemitic attitudes” come from “the anti-Jewish elements in the Christian tradition.” Reddick found that his African American students share “a similar though not quite as unfavorable a set of attitudes towards the Jewish people as do other Americans.” [21]

These attitudes towards Jews also came from revered African-American leaders Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. DuBois. Washington grew up in “Southern Black anti-Jewish culture,” where they found Jews to be “greedy shopkeepers and usurers and sometimes distinguished between Jews and whites. Washington changed his attitude as American Jews in the North supported his causes and school. Publicly Washington praised Jews despite his antisemitic upbringing. [22] In the twentieth century, Washington saw it more profitable to his cause to praise American Jews.

In 1895, DuBois wrote that Jews had “in them all that slyness, that lack of straight-forward openheartedness that goes straight against me.” DuBois held onto his beliefs into the mid-twentieth century. DuBois only admitted to the errors in his writings when Nazi-controlled Germany instituted their laws against Jews taking away their rights in the 1930s. In 1936, Dubois wrote in his essay “The Present Plight of the German Jews,” “There has been no tragedy in modern times equal in its awful effects to the fight on the Jew in Germany.” [23] Dubois had been a student at the University of Berlin and was exposed to European antisemitism. [24]

By 1936, DuBois’s viewpoint was already changing. In “The Negro Mind Reaches Out” DuBois wrote:

“Above all this rises the shadow of two international groups — the Jews and the modern Negroes. The Jews are, in blood, Spanish, German, French, Arabian, and American. Their ancient unity or religious faith is crumbling, but out of it all has come a spiritual unity born of suffering, prejudice, and industrial power which can be used and is being used to spread an international consciousness. Where this spirit encounters a rampant new nationalism as in Poland or bitter memories of national loss as in Germany, or racial bigotry as in America, it stirs an Antisemitism as cruel as it is indefinite and armed in fact not against an abused race but against any spirit that works or seems to work for the union of humankind.”[25]

James Weldon Johnson, an “early leader of the NAACP” wrote Jews had “controlling interest in the finances of the nation.” [26] Martin Luther King, Jr., spoke out against the stereotypes, writing in the 1960s, “Negroes nurture a persisting myth that the Jews of America attained social mobility and status solely because they had money.” [27] In 1974, folklorist Nathan Hurvitz stated the stereotypes, “serve a purpose in our society. This purpose is to maintain and create cleavages between groups.” [28]

By the twentieth-century African Americans held on to beliefs about Jews that mirrored those of Protestant white Americans. Dinnerstein indicates, “African Americans berated Jewish merchants for overcharging in retail establishments, Jewish landlords for rent gouging, and Jews, in general, for desecrating the Sabbath and insulting Christians by keeping their places of amusement open on Sundays. A number of blacks also internalized the ideology of Nordic supremacy and believed in the inferiority of Jews, Italians, and other southern and eastern Europeans.” [29] After the Great Depression, “Black antisemitism was both a means of venting frustrations toward all whites and a complaint against the sorry predicament in which they found themselves. [30] Unfortunately, some African Americans even agreed with Hitler’s policies against the Jews in the 1930s Lunabelle Wedlock observed about the Black press, they “view with evident pleasure the degradation of a minority group other than their own.” [31]

Between the 1920s and the 1940s American Jews and African Americans often lived in the same urban neighborhoods in East-Coast and Midwest cities. African Americans migrating from the South joined Jews in these urban places as other Jews moved up and out. Historian Hasia Diner recounts in her book The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000, “In the 1930s through the mid-1940s Jews and blacks coexisted in North Lawndale, Chicago, and in parts of Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood. With the war’s end, Jews rapidly left these places, while blacks stayed put.” [32] Living together, African Americans and Jews conflicted because Jews were usually the ones in the better financial positions owning the stores and the homes where African Americans shopped and lived.

As Michael points out, “During the 1930s and 1940s, like white antisemitism, Black antisemitism intensified.” [33] Sociologist Kenneth Clark, who extensively studied African American society, noted it was because of “an increased need for Blacks to identify with the antisemitism in the dominant society.” [34] Antisemitism was dominant for two other reasons, African Americans were close to their religion, and religious groups disseminate “a contemptible, incessant [antisemitic] folklore. Additionally, in the pre-war years, most African Americans were uneducated, lack of education often led to increased antisemitism. The economic position was another common reason for increased Black anti-Semitism; the community often felt taken advantage of by Jews for monetary gain. [35]

The Great Depression brought an increase of animosity from African Americans towards American Jews, especially urban Jewish merchants and landlords, whom they blamed for their economic problems. Although they encountered only a few Jews in those positions of authority, they blamed all Jews. Diner notes, “In some urban African American neighborhoods, antisemitic rhetoric could be heard from street corner speakers who blamed the Jews for the devastating economic woes of the black community.”[36] The Jewish merchants in urban neighborhoods such as Harlem kept their stores there despite having moved as Jews did, and African Americans moved into these neighborhoods.

There was “anti-Jewish venom” towards these merchants. African Americans commenced boycotts in Harlem and Chicago against Jewish merchants. African Americans thought Jews were making a profit from their business that allowed them to succeed financially. African Americans argued, “Don’t Shop Where You Can’t Work,” the Jewish owned shops did not employ African Americans or anyone outside their family since it was cheaper to do so but did not stop the protests and boycotts. [37] Diner recounts the fury, “But in the eyes of Sufi El Hamid, the organizer of the campaign in Harlem, this made the Jews evil exploiters of black people, and he went so far as to state that he could easily sympathize with Hitler…. The Yiddish newspapers described Sufi El Hamid as the “Black Hitler” and drew for their readers a parallel between his deeds and the stripping of Jewish economic rights in Germany.” [38] In 1935, African Americans rioted in Harlem and disproportionately attacked Jewish stores. Some African Americans in their attacks on Jews adopted German and Nazi propaganda about Jews and the economy.

African American newspapers showed an increase in antisemitism in the 1930s and the 1940s because of employment practices that excluded African Americans, although Dinnerstein notes “Jews were singled out by blacks for special opprobrium.” [39] The common “perception” was that Jewish overwhelming owners stores, that ‘most employers were Jews, or, those who were not Jews were not to be attacked severely.” [40] The African-American press “condemned” “Jewish stores for not hiring blacks, exploiting their customers, and driving African-American competitors out of business.” There were also African-American domestics that refused to work for Jewish women, placing ads that stated “no Jewish people,” and in the Bronx, tensions were high after an accusatory article, “The Bronx Slave Market,” which “added grist to the black antisemitic mills” [41]

In the 1930s, African-Americans in Northern cities negatively viewed that all merchants and landlords were Jews and frequently used Jews as the scapegoats to blame because of their financial constraints. Dinnerstein notes, “By the end of the decade, just as an upsurge in antisemitism began in white America, numerous observers noted a sharp increase in antisemitic feelings and expressions among African Americans in Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, New York, and Philadelphia. The onset of World War II ended the depression but hardly altered black or white perceptions of Jews except, perhaps, to intensify the negativism and hostility.” [42]

Although, during the early war years there was no major anti-Semitic incident until the race riots in 1943, in late June in Detroit and August in Harlem. During the riots, African Americans disproportionately targeted Jewish stores for “vandalism and looting.” Meanwhile, during the riots, African American leaders preached, “inflammatory antisemitic oratory.” Historian Henry Feingold points out, “The tensions released by the war heightened intergroup hostility.” [43] Historian Isabel Boiko notes, “Jewish businessmen realized that there was no hope for the kind of peaceful co-existence they had envisaged because Negro bitterness toward the Jew appeared permanent.” [44]

At that point, it became noticeable that African-Americans overwhelmingly blamed Jews for any exploitation that happened to them but shied away from blaming white gentile Americans when they were the culprits. The blame continued despite the NAACP allocating resources to reeducate to “eradicate black antisemitism. By the mid-1940s, a majority of African-Americans in New York “held some negative attitudes towards Jews.” [45] In 1942, Harvard University professor and later U.S. Representative to the United Nations Ralphe Bunche observed, “The Jew is handy… it is safe to scorn the Jew.” [46]

In the 1930s, the NAACP did not approve of African Americans’ attitudes towards American Jewry; they feared the Nazi regime’s policies could apply to other races. The NAACP opposed German persecution of Jews, and it was one of only two non-Jewish institutions in America to call out and condemn “the unspeakable terror… is being inflicted upon the Jewish people in Germany.” Walter White, Secretary of the NAACP warned African Americans “What happens to one minority can happen to others.” The other organization that condemned Germany’s actions against Jews was the Urban League. The Urban League thought African Americans and Jews should work together to fight racism. Black leaders tried to rally African Americans to support Jews. Michael recounts, “Black patriarchs Langston Hughes and W.E.B. DuBois tried to get Black folks to recognize the injustice involved in antisemitism in general and the Holocaust in particular.” [47]

During the 1930s, African American leaders wanted the community to oppose Nazi Germany and its antisemitism and fight with American Jewry. Michael recounts, “In 1938, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., the pastor of the influential Abyssinian Baptist Church and the first Black congressman from Harlem” wanted the two communities to work together. Powell warned, “Antisemitism is a deadly virus of the American bloodstream…Apathy spells our own doom.” [48] NAACP leaders thought that condemning Nazi’s actions would get the message to Americans to stop discrimination against African Americans. In 1942, NAACP directors worked towards “an unlimited effort on behalf of the persecuted Jews.” [49]

The African American press seemed to side with the Nazis and against the Jews. They shared the position of many Christians during the decade in their antipathy towards the Jewish problems in Germany. In July 1936, Dynamite, an African American publication from Chicago wrote, “What America needs is a Hitler and what the Chicago Black Belt needs is a purge of the exploiting Jew.” In 1935, a black journalist for the NAACP writing for the Pittsburgh Couriers criticized African Americans who seemed to want the Nazis to “persecute” Jews. He condemned the “passive antisemitism,” writing, many “articulate Negroes [in Mississippi] derive a sort of grim satisfaction from the Nazi persecution of Jews.”

During this time, African Americans sent letters to NAACP complaining and stereotyping Jews. Despite efforts of the organizations, they could not get the African American community to support an alliance with American Jewry on Jewish issues. African Americans would need American Jewry to fight for issues that interested and advanced the African American cause for the two groups finally to ally.

[1] Leonard Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 198–199.

[2] Saul S. Friedman, Jews and the American Slave Trade. New Brunswick: Transaction publ, 1998, 13.

[3] Jonathan D. Sarna, American Judaism: A History, (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 2005), 113.

[4] Jayme A. Sokolow, “Revolution and Reform The Antebellum Jewish Abolitionists,” in Adam D, Mendelsohn and Jonathan D. Sarna, Jews and the Civil War: A Reader, (New York: New York University Press, 2010), 128.

[5] Sokolow, “Revolution and Reform The Antebellum Jewish Abolitionists,” in Mendelsohn and Sarna, Jews and the Civil War: A Reader, 128.

[6] https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/august-bondi

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/August_Bondi

[7] Neil Gillman, Conservative Judaism: The New Century, (West Orange, N.J: Behrman House, 1993), 30.

[8] Arthur Hertzberg, The Jews in America: Four Centuries of an Uneasy Encounter: a History, (New York: Columbia Univeristy Press, 1997), 126.

[9] Sarna, American Judaism: A History, 112.

[10] Hertzberg, The Jew in America: Four Centuries of an Uneasy Encounter: A History, 126.

[11] Ibid., Hertzberg, The Jews of America: Four Centuries of an Uneasy Encounter: A History, 126.

[12] Jeffrey P. Melnick, Black-Jewish Relations on Trial: Leo Frank and Jim Conley in the New South, (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2000), x.

[13] Melnick, Black-Jewish Relations on Trial: Leo Frank and Jim Conley in the New South, xi; Atlanta Journal and Constitution, Feb. 12, 1986: A1.

[14] Melnick, Black-Jewish Relations on Trial: Leo Frank and Jim Conley in the New South, x.

[15] https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/black-jewish-relations-in-the-united-states

[16] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 199.

[17] Robert Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005), 201.

[18] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 201.

[19] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 201.

[20] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 201.

[21] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[22] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[23] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 203.

[24] James M. Thomas (2020) Du Bois, double consciousness, and the “Jewish question”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 43:8, 1333–1356, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1705366

[25] https://glc.yale.edu/negro-mind-reaches-out-excerpts

[26] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 199.

[27] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 202.

[28] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 202.

[29] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 202.

[30] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 203.

[31] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 204.

[32] Hasia Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 240.

[33] Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[34] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[35] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 203.

[36] Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000, 211.

[37] Ibid., Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000, 211.

[38] Ibid., Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000, 211.

[39] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 204.

[40] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 204.

[41] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 206.

[42] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 206.

[43] Henry L. Feingold, Zion in America: The Jewish Experience from Colonial Times to the Present, (New York: Dover, 2002), 275.

[44] Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 207.

[45] Ibid., Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America, 207.

[46] Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[47] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 202.

[48] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 203.

[49] Ibid., Michael, A Concise History of American Antisemitism, 203.

About the Author

Bonnie K. Goodman, BA, MLIS is a journalist, librarian, & historian. She is the author of Silver Boom! The Rise and Decline of Leadville, Colorado as the United States Silver Capital, 1860–1896, The Mysterious Prince of the Confederacy: Judah P. Benjamin and the Jewish goal of whiteness in the South, and the viral article, “OTD in History… October 19, 1796, Alexander Hamilton accuses Thomas Jefferson of having an affair with his slave creating a 200-year-old controversy over Sally Hemings.”

Ms. Goodman has a BA in History and Art History, and a Masters in Library and Information Studies both from McGill University has done graduate work in Jewish history at Concordia University as part of the MA in Judaic Studies, where she focused Medieval & Modern Judaism. Her research area is North American Jewish history, particularly American Jewish history, and her thesis was entitled, “Unconditional Loyalty to the Cause: Southern Whiteness, Jewish Women, and Antisemitism, 1860–1913.”

Ms. Goodman contributed the overviews and chronologies to the “History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–2008,” edited by Gil Troy, Arthur M. Schlesinger, and Fred L. Israel (2012). She is the former Features Editor at the History News Network and reporter at Examiner.com, where she covered politics, universities, religion, and news. She currently blogs at Medium, where she was a top writer in history and regularly writes on “On This Day in History (#OTD in #History)” Feature and on the Times of Israel. Her scholarly articles can be found on Academia.edu. She has over a dozen years of experience in education and political journalism.

Bonnie K. Goodman BA, MLIS (McGill University) is a Professional Librarian (CBPQ) & historian. Former editor @ History News Network & reporter @ Examiner.com.

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